Science and society deal with complexity – but, judging from the current state of our social and natural world, they don’t seem to be very good at it. Why? And how can we change their behaviour in ways that keep the worst – collapse, catastrophe, and extinction – from happening?
The Double Challenge of Complexity
The social and ecological systems that surround us are complex. Beyond the common sense understanding of the term, this means they have the following properties:
- They consist of large networks of individual components.
- These components interact without central control, but following comparatively simple rules.
- From these interactions, complex collective behaviour emerges that can change non-linearly through reinforcing feedback loops.
Such behaviour is hard to explain and often impossible to predict.
Nonetheless, dealing with complex systems has always been a vital task
for humans and other animals trying to survive in their social and
ecological environment. Before the arrival of language, natural
selection and the biological adaptation it enabled took care of this
challenge: It created what might be called implicit, evolutionary
knowledgeThe idea that evolution is a learning process can be
traced from Herbert
Spencer to Evolutionary
Epistemology and Daniel Dennett’s conceptions of evolution and
information.
about coping with complexity, embodied at species level –
adapted automatic behaviour, inherited instincts, and innate mechanisms
for individual learning.
LanguageIn the context of this essay, by language I mean human
language. I am aware this is a problematic restriction, but a discussion
that does the issue justice is beyond the scope of this article and
therefore left for another time.
changed all of that. It allowed intersubjectivity and the
cultural – as opposed to biological – transmission of information,
enabling collective learning and the accumulation of explicit
knowledge. This enabled cultural evolution and led to an explosion
of social complexity and a constant acceleration of social,
technological, and economic development. As an effect, biological,
social, and technological adaptation have become decoupled, because they
operate on different timescales – technology changes faster than social
norms, and both change faster than biological design.Hat tip to Karile Klug
for highlighting this mismatch of timescales.
Thus humans created an environment to which they are in
many ways biologically and socially maladapted.
This situation poses a double challenge: On the one hand, our capacity to understand the complexity we created is severely limited – we cannot fully and explicitly describe, explain and predict the behaviour of complex systems, and our instincts and intuitions as well as our norms and values produce inappropriate and counterproductive reactions to the systems we have created or changed. On the other hand, the rapidly accumulating negative effects of these changes and our reactions, from social fragmentation and political polarisation to runaway climate change and ecological breakdown, require a more radical change in behaviour to avoid societal collapse and civilisational catastrophe than the slow and evolutionary change of social norms and biological design is able to produce.
Paradoxically, our best shot at dealing with this challenge lies in recognising exactly how our capacity to understand complex systems is limited – and in leveraging that fact to facilitate radical change.
Models and Metaphors
We navigate our environment with the help of models –
interpretive system descriptions we use for exploration, explanation,
and prediction. If successful, a model representsThis is meant in the broad sense of “tracking features
of the target system”, which avoids any representationalist assumptions
or commitments.
parts of its target system, often in an idealised or
simplified way, but not all of its features – that would make it an
identical (and unwieldy) copy.
Maps are models in this sense, as are physical, e.g. architectural
and engineering models. But there are others: Internal models in the
minds of organisms are called mental models;Stereotypes are mental models evolved to
navigate complex situations in a very short time. Suppose we drive a
car: Instead of calculating what moving leaves mean about wind velocity,
risk of a tree falling over etc., we use a stereotype from past
experience: that leaves moving like that pose no danger to us and our
car. (Hat tip to Gregor Groß for this
example.)
models guiding perception and action, predictive
models; models representing the causal structure of a target system,
causal
models; models that are part and product of scientific research, scientific
models.
We understand the world only through models. But our personal mental (predictive, causal) models are by far not enough to deal with its complexity – we need to share our models and collaborate on new ones. This is where language comes in, and it is how we accumulate explicit knowledge.
When developing models, we routinely use analogies: We describe and interpret a system using knowledge about another system, comparing the two, noting similarities and dissimilarities, deriving explanations and predictions, and opening up a space for discovery. We use, e.g., the billiard ball analogy to describe molecules in a gas and explain its temperature, knowing that certain attributes of the ball (mass, impulse) can be projected onto molecules, others (colour, number) cannot, and still others might be helpful guides for further research.
Mathematical models and formal approaches like causal and systems
modelling transcend analogy and strive for higher levels of abstraction.
But even there, metaphors shape our perception and
understanding.When used as cognitive tools, even abstract
mathematical representations like partial differential equations depend
upon metaphors. Tweney (2017) shows this for the Maxwell’s Equations
describing electromagnetism.
By describing light as a particle or a wave, e.g., we
structure the conceptual space in which we model, explain, and predict
its behaviour in ways that mirror our everyday experience with particles
and waves. The same goes for describing organisations as machines,
organisms, or cultures; describing the mind as a computer, brain, or
regulating device; describing money as commodity or claim; or describing
morality as strength or empathy.
Such conceptual metaphors – “unconscious, automatic
mechanism[s] for using inference patterns and language from a source
domain … to think and talk about another domain”Lakoff (1995), 182
– are “constitutive of the theories they express, rather
than merely exegetical”Boyd (1993), 486
. Beyond explicit theory, they shape every area of
discourse by structuring our conceptual spaces: From thinking about
emotions in terms of temperature to talking about arguments in terms of
war, “the way we think, what we experience, and what we do every day is
very much a matter of metaphor.”Lakoff and Johnson (1980), 3. Coming from a very
different research tradition, Niklas Luhmann makes the same point in his
introduction to Systems Theory (Luhmann 2002, 113 f.).
Metaphors make new domains of perception and
understanding accessible by leveraging existing concepts, interweaving
experience and abstraction in a way that makes them almost
inseparable.
This role of metaphors creates a fundamental tension:
On the one hand, metaphor can be seen as a “a form of creative
expression” and ”as a means of liberating the imagination”Morgan (1980), 612 (my emphasis)
. On this view, just like no model of it is complete, “no
one metaphor can capture the total nature”ibid., 612
of a complex system – every metaphor highlights certain
aspects of it and hides others, from specific features to overall
structure and boundaries. This calls for a „conscious and wide-ranging
theoretical pluralism rather than an attempt to forge a
synthesis upon narrow grounds“ibid., 612, my emphasis; cf. also Eoyang (2011),
323
.
On the other hand, metaphors potentially import and impose restricting or misleading conceptual structures. If they are part of a dominant paradigm, metaphors can colonise formerly independent subjects of research, promoting absolutist interpretations that preclude creativity and a humble approach to complexity. The result is epistemic imperialism, made invisible by its use of familiar and thus seemingly innocuous concepts.
Paradigms and Power
We adopt or keep models of our environment if they are useful. A model can be useful in widely varying respects, e.g. for biological survival, scientific explanation, social standing, economic success, or psychological well-being. This multitude of criteria creates an intricate incentive system in which the criteria determining the selection of a model can become decoupled from its domain.
That happens when scientific paradigms form and
stabilise.The following sketch is of course idealised; in
reality, what is described here as a linear sequence of action will more
likely resemble a jumble of criss-crossing trajectories.
Members of a scientific community initially adopt a new
scientific model if it is more useful for explanation and prediction
than its competitors. Once the community has formed a consensus around
the new model, social and economic incentives for further adoption
emerge: Research using the model is published and funded more often than
research not using it, researchers adopting it are employed and promoted
more easily than researchers not adopting it. The model and its
accompanying theories, exemplary solutions, and tools evolve into a
general consensus on how “science is done”This understanding of paradigms corresponds to Thomas
Kuhn’s wide use of the term as denoting “the entire
constellation of beliefs, values, techniques, and so on shared by the
members of a given community” (Kuhn 1970, 175), which encompasses
exemplary puzzle solutions (paradigms in the narrow
sense).
in this domain, aligning individual behaviour. The
paradigm can thus be seen as an attractor of the
complex system that is the scientific community: a set of states towards
which the system evolves and stabilises.
In the process, social and economic factors gradually replace
explanatory and predictive power as the dominant selection criteria.
This can lead to situations where a scientific community clings to a
model with stagnating or declining explanatory and predictive
success because it is socially and economically useful for
its members to do soA current example for such a situation is the dominance
of Superstring or M Theory in theoretical physics despite its obvious
stagnation in explanatory and predictive productivity.
– the system stays on its current attractor, regardless
whether it still fulfils its original purpose.
Such paradigms and the models and metaphors they are based on can
shape whole disciplines and even societies. In philosophy, e.g., from
Plato to Locke the pervasive “idea of ‘foundations of knowledge’ [was] a
product of the choice of perceptual metaphors”Rorty (1980), 159
, while conceptual advances from Kant onwards were
“contained within the framework of causal metaphors”ibid., 161
. In mainstream economics, a ubiquitous paradigm is based
on the conceptual metaphor of growth: Although “99.9% of human
history has been no-growth history”Rees (2010), 17
, economic growth as measured by increase in GDP is now
“the key political priority in all the advanced Western nations”Jackson (2016), 6
. The metaphor establishes a positive frame – “thriving
economy, more spending power, richer and fuller life, increased family
security, greater choice, and more public spending”ibid., 7
– that creates buy-in and eclipses the catastrophic
long-term effects of growth-focused policies on nature. Since the
ecosystems containing the economy are not represented in the paradigm’s
models, these effects are only seen as “[c]ollateral damage to ‘the
environment’” that is “a mere ‘negative externality’ that can be
corrected by appropriate pricing”Rees (2010), 17
, not as a reason to reject the paradigm.
As the last example suggests, in the wider society such paradigms can
double as ideologies. The socio-economic context in which the
scientific community is embedded shapes its incentive system in a way
that makes alignment with power structures the dominant selection
criterion for scientific models, leading to models that justify and
strengthen these power structures. The familiar metaphors underpinning
the models hide not only driving socio-economic and power interests, but
also the very fact that alternative models could be constructed – and,
when colonising other areas of research, make the ideology even more
encompassing and thus invisible.A current example for such an expansion of ideology is
the habit of turning every social context into a market – “children,
risky sex, marriage partners, etc.” (Dupré 1994, 9).
Taken together, the model-shaping character of metaphors, the power
of paradigms, and their function as ideologies frequently favour
conceptual foundations for our understanding of complex systems that
serve social and economic purposes alien to the task of
understanding – and often detrimental to the realisation of values
like justice and sustainability. In many cases, this stymies creativity
and diminishes real scientific progress. In some, it leads to
science in the service of oppressionExamples range from “Scientific Management” through
scientific racism and eugenics to the use of algorithms for surveillance
purposes.
and to a disconnect from thoroughly validated
evolutionary knowledge in the interest of short-sighted
optimisation. The most fateful case of the latter is the demise of
age-old practices of circularity and embeddedness in nature in favour of
extraction and exploitation, starting with the transition from foraging
to agriculture and leading up to the growth paradigm, consumer
capitalism, and now impending collapse.
Making Shift Happen
Once we have arrived at this point, we see how and to what effect our
understanding of complex systems is limited: We make sense of them using
metaphors that highlight certain aspects of them and hide others, and
whose evolution is driven and shaped by socio-economic factors. But we
also begin to see a way out of this predicament: We realise that our
understanding is “imprisoned by its metaphors” – and thus “stimulate an
awareness through which it can begin to set itself free”.Morgan (1980), 605
We can change our understanding by changing the metaphors
we use.
This “radical humanist critique”ibid., 605
of our understanding is based on a view of language
as the product of complex cognitive processes, not a transparent
tool amenable to formal analysis. This latter “commonsense,
folk-theoretic picture of speech, thought, and communication …
constitute[s] a misleading context for scientific communication”Fauconnier (1994), xvii
. Instead, the cognitive view of language emphasises that
“elaborate constructions must occur that draw on conceptual capacities,
highly structured background and contextual knowledge, schema-induction,
and mapping capabilities”ibid., xviii
to make sense of anything. These resources are not only
based on biological foundations, but also shaped by cultural evolution
and their socio-economic context.
In this view of language and thought, approaches to complex systems
that are traditionally thought to constitute diametrically opposed
paradigmsThe classification of paradigms used here goes back to
earlier work by Morgan, upon which his (1980) and (1986) are
built.
are in fact complementary, representing, to use
a metaphor, two sides of the same coin: A positivistic account
of our cognitive capacities leads to an interpretive critique
of their application; an interpretive critique of how paradigms shape
our explanations leads to a positivistic account of how this process
unfolds cognitively and socially. In Hegelian terminology, the cognitive
view of language and the complexity view of social systems represent the
sublation of
traditional positivistic and interpretive paradigms – they are both
preserved and changed through their interplay with each other.This complemenarity of paradigms extends the
complementarity of perspectives I argue for in my essay on perspectives.
In practical terms, this means the radical change in collective behaviour we need to meet the challenges of our time can most promisingly be provoked by a two-pronged approach:
Science and those applying it have to be critical of their
metaphors – this is the interpretive aspect. The critique consists
in making metaphors visible as such in the first place, tracing their
socio-economic and historical roots, and supplying alternative
metaphorical interpretations of the complex systems we are trying to
understand. This can lead to radically different models and paradigms of
e.g. the economy, money, and our relationship to nature, enabling
behaviours and pathways to change that were hidden or thought to be
unviable before.See Jackson (2016) for an example of an alternative
economic paradigm, Wray (2016) for a “new meme for money”, and Lakoff
(1995) for progressive alternatives to conservative frames for a range
of political issues.
Shifts towards paradigms based on these new metaphors have to be understood as non-linear changes in system behaviour – this is the positivistic aspect. Non-linear change is, intentionally or unintentionally, triggered when reinforcing feedback loops between components of a system alter its behaviour dramatically and irrevocably, moving it beyond so-called tipping points. After tipping, the states the system evolves and stabilises towards are different than before – it has found a new attractor. Examples for such changes are political revolutions, market crashes, and ecosystem collapses.
To induce them deliberately, the target system’s critical
components and feedback loops between them have to be identified and
specifically targeted with effective action. Empirical research into
civil resistance e.g. has shown that its chances for success are highest
when creating positive feedback loops between activating ever larger
parts of the population – e.g. through festivals, protests, and direct
actions – and eroding government power and resources – e.g. through
dilemma situations, attrition, and loyalty shifts. Using such an
approach, tipping points can be reached surprisingly quickly and with
relatively small numbers of actively engaged people.Chenoweth and Stephan (2011) and the subsequent work
summarised in Chenoweth and Belgioioso (2019) are pertinent here.
Since these mechanisms are non-linear, though, their effects cannot
be predicted with any certainty – using them will require an iterative
approach focused on using and experimenting with multiple
perspectives on the system in question, creating “probes to make …
potential patterns … visible before we take any action. We can then
sense those patterns and respond by stabilizing those patterns that we
find desirable, by destabilizing those we do not want, and by seeding
the space so that patterns we want are more likely to emerge.”Kurtz and Snowden (2003), 469
From science to society, creating change that way is a
process of learning.
Sense-making and Survival
We have created a world that will not sustain us if we don’t change radically. But the ideas and images we changed the world with keep us from changing ourselves: They frame our sense-making and render its errors invisible, making us feel invincible right to our downfall. This, then, will be our key to survival: Understanding the limits of our understanding – and leveraging them for radical change with the mindset of a learner.
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Acknowledgements
I am grateful to Gregor Groß and Phil Harvey for comments on drafts of this essay.